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- 19 - Politics and International Studies
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- University of St Andrews
- Unit of assessment
- 19 - Politics and International Studies
- Summary impact type
- Cultural
- Is this case study continued from a case study submitted in 2014?
- No
1. Summary of the impact
The 100th anniversary of the Great War inspired global efforts to memorialize its tremendous sacrifices and reflect on how the war changed the course of history. The importance of the centenary prompted Strachan to re-examine core assumptions and historical interpretations of the war and publish a series of outputs reflecting these findings. His new research shed light on how WWI became an intractable and genuinely global conflict, how the very notions of battle and strategy were transformed by the war, and the importance of the American contributions to hastening victory. Facilitated by his leading roles on the Scottish National Committee on the Centenary of the First World War and the UK National Committee for the Centenary of the First World War, Strachan’s research findings had a profound impact on the creation of UK memorialization activities—enriching our cultural heritage and shaping understandings of the Great War for generations to come. An estimated 35,000,000 people across the UK participated in these events while millions more around the world watched the live BBC coverage.
Specifically, the research findings:
Helped broaden centenary events to be more inclusive and international, particularly the 2016 commemorations of Jutland and the Somme;
Shaped battle commemorations to span months instead of a single day, especially for the Somme (2016), Passchendaele (2017), and Amiens (2018);
Led to special emphasis being placed on the Anglo-French relationship, culminating in a special event in London in 2018 to mark the centenary of Marshal Foch’s appointment of Supreme Allied Commander.
Led to the dedication of specific memorial events recognizing American sacrifices, such as the 2018 commemorations on the Island of Islay to remember the 600 American troops lost in the sinking of the SS Tuscania and HMS Otranto.
2. Underpinning research
The underpinning research has been carried out since Strachan joined the University of St. Andrews in 2015, as the Bishop Wardlaw Professor in the School of International Relations. The centenary and the importance of its memorialization prompted Strachan, long a preeminent scholar of the Great War, to re-examine core assumptions and historical interpretations of the war. The requirements to offer advice and deliver lectures, combined with the opportunity to learn from others in the process, prompted him to fundamentally rethink his approaches to a number of issues, particularly those generated by the war’s later stages. Because of the intertwined pattern of public engagement with further research and writing, research was developed, presented and refined during commemoration events and then ultimately published. Strachan’s research sheds new light on how WWI became an intractable and genuinely global conflict, how the very notion of strategy was transformed by the war and the importance of the American contributions to hastening victory.
- How WWI Became an Intractable Global Conflict
Recent historiography had reached a broad consensus that WWI was avoidable—a conflict that could have been averted through cabinet level diplomacy and compromise. Why then did events degenerate so rapidly into an intractable global war of peoples fighting over irreconcilable objectives? Strachan argues that hardened enmities arose as differences in politics, religion, and ideology became grafted onto the idea of the national community—a new phenomenon that had not marked 19th century wars [R1]. This helps us better understand the spiraling nature of WWI—of how societies across the globe found themselves caught up in a great conflagration over what suddenly appeared to be irreconcilable differences, leading to four years of devastation and loss.
- The Transformation of Battle and Strategy during WWI
In the 19th century, strategy was seen as the conduct of military operations—usually the tactical planning that led to decisive battles—a business for the generals and their staffs. WWI, however, changed battles: rather than brief engagements with clear winners, they were stretched over lengthy campaigns of months that produced indecisive results [R2]. This led to a reconceptualization within the strategic studies literature: strategy was now understood as an endeavor to relate the use of war to desired political ends. To this body of strategic thought, Strachan’s work adds that fighting the drawn out battles of WWI required the mobilization of whole societies and economies as well as the management of complex alliances and global coordination across multiple fronts. This broadened the notion of strategy even further for leaders at the time, heightening the importance of alliances, especially the Anglo-French relationship in the early stages of the war and the entry of the United States at its denouement. These developments even required new state institutions for their implementation [R3].
- Reinterpreting American Contributions to the War Effort
Previous scholarship argued that the American Expeditionary Force arrived ‘too late’ to impact the outcome of WWI, leading historians and publics to neglect the contribution of the U.S. Strachan argues that this is a profound mistake. Rather, American entry into the war hastened victory by its immediate effects in 1917: revalidating the legitimacy of the allied war effort as the Russian revolution challenged it; relieving pressure on the Royal Navy from German U-boats; vigorously enforcing the naval blockade of the Central Powers; and providing much needed economic aid [R3, R4].
3. References to the research
These publications comprise contributions to noteworthy international collaborations between historians, published as edited volumes in four different countries, that examine our understandings of WWI during its centenary.
[R1] Strachan, Hew. 2017. “The Ideas of 1914.” In Richard Butterwick-Pawlikowski, Quincy Cloet, and Alex Dowdall (eds.), Breaking Empires, Making Nations? The First World War and the Reforging of Europe. Warsaw: The College of Europe, Natolin Campus. ISBN: 9788363128227
- Working paper presented at the University of Indiana on 18 April 2015 and at Sydney University on 19 July 2016.
[R2] Strachan, Hew. 2018. “La Rédefinition de la Bataille: Verdun et la Somme,” In, Alexandre Lafon (ed.), Les Batailles de 1916. Paris: Sorbonne Université Presses. ISBN: 9791023106251
- Working paper initially developed for a conference at the Sorbonne, Paris, commemorating the Western Front battles of 2016, held 22-24 June 2016.
[R3] Strachan, Hew. 2015. “Military Operations and National Policies, 1914-1918.” In, Holger Afflerbach (ed.), The Purpose of the First World War: War Aims and National Strategies. Oldenbourg: De Gruyter. ISBN: 9783110346220, DOI: 10.1515/9783110443486-004.
[R4] Strachan, Hew. 2020. “Londres et Washington: Les Rélations Anglo-États-Uniennes Américaines pendant la Première Guerre Mondiale.” In, Olivier Forcade and Olivier Chaline (eds.), L’Engagement des Américains dans la Guerre, 1917-1918: La Fayette, Nous Voilà. Paris: Sorbonne Université Presses. ISBN: 9791023106664
- Initial ideas delivered during the Commencement Address of the US Naval Postgraduate School on 31 March 2017. Working paper presented at Glasgow University on 10 October 2017, during a conference at the Sorbonne on 23-27 November 2017, and at Strathclyde University on 9 February 2018.
4. Details of the impact
.
During the centenary of WWI, Strachan’s research had a profound influence on the creation of UK commemoration events, which included the participation of tens of thousands of individuals and reached millions of viewers through live television broadcasts [S1]. Strachan’s research on the intractable global nature of WWI, the transformations it wrought to battle and strategy, and the importance within this context of American sacrifices thereby shaped broader public understandings of the Great War and enhanced our cultural heritage for generations to come. Specifically, these research findings:
Broadened centenary events, particularly the 2016 commemorations of Jutland and the Somme, to be more inclusive and international;
Extended the battle commemorations of the Somme (2016), Passchendaele (2017), and Amiens (2018) to span months instead of a single event;
Placed special emphasis on the Anglo-French relationship within overall planning for the centenary, culminating in the 2018 London commemoration of Marshal Foch’s appointment as Supreme Allied Commander;
And led to the creation of specific memorial events on the Isle of Islay in 2018 to recognize the sacrifice of 600 American troops who lost their lives when the SS Tuscania and HMS Otranto sank.
Overall, approximately 35,000,000 people across the UK participated directly in at least one activity of the First World War Centenary Programme with millions more watching the live BBC coverage – 78% of the UK population over 14 years was estimated to be aware of the coverage [S2, pp.ii & 17-18]. Strachan was centrally involved in designing hundreds of commemoration events for this programme, as well as for additional centenary events in France. He served in a leading role on the Scottish National Committee on the Centenary of the First World War (WW100), on the Commonwealth War Graves Commission (CWGC) chairing the 1914-18 Committee, on the UK National Committee for the Centenary of the First World War, and on the corresponding national advisory committee for the French government (Comité Scientifique, Mission du Centenaire de la Première Guerre Mondiale). As attested to by the Prime Minister’s Special Representative for the Commemoration of the Centenary of the First World War, “ Throughout, he [Strachan] was the government’s principal “go-to” historian, a central player in a highly acclaimed national commemorative, diplomatic and pedagogical undertaking that is without precedent” [S3].
Through this influence, Strachan wove his new research findings into particular centenary events, as developed in the examples below. The Vice Chairman of the CWGC notes that, “ As one of the world’s leading experts on WWI, one would have thought that Sir Hew could rely entirely on his past work, but what impressed me… was the fresh insight he provided based on further research and continuous re-examination of our assumptions about how the war began and the way it was conducted” [S4].
(1) Broadening Centenary Events to Be More International and Inclusive
Strachan’s research on the inherently global nature of the Great War [R1] helped broaden UK planning for the centenary to be more inclusive and international. Commemorations for Jutland on Orkney (31 May 2016) included the British Prime Minister and the German President, as well as other dignitaries, naval representatives, and military bands from both nations [S1, pp. 2-3]. Similarly, commemorations for the Somme began with a ceremony at the Thiepval Memorial in France (1 July 2016) led by the French President and members of the British Royal Family, but also inclusive of Canadian participants including the Royal Canadian Artillery brass band [S1, pp. 7-18]. The event was attended by over 10,000 people and aired on BBC2 with 1,190,000 viewers [S1, pp. 19-20]. The Vice Chairman of the CWGC attests that: “ *There had perhaps been some unease in Government circles about the extent to which Commonwealth nations should participate, possibly fearing accusations that Britain was still acting “imperially’. It seemed to me that Sir Hew’s research and briefings on the international nature of the war helped to allay those concerns. The result for both Jutland and the Somme were two international events watched by tens of millions of people.*” [S4]
(2) Extending Battle Commemorations to Span Months
As Chair of the 1914-18 Committee of the CWGC, Strachan was directly involved in planning the centenaries of the battles of the British empire, including Jutland (2016), the Somme (2016), Passchendaele (2017), and Amiens (2018)—all of which were UK official events—-as well as Arras (2017) which was specifically marked by the Scottish government. These events stressed Strachan’s new research findings on the transformation of battle into lengthy and indecisive engagements [R2]. To recognize the extraordinary duration of these battles, and properly memorialize the sacrifices they entailed, commemorations were explicitly designed to span months—particularly on the Somme, which ultimately involved 80 separate events between July and November 2016 [S5]. The Chair of the Scottish Commemorations Panel corroborates that “ The Centenary Commemorations of the Battles of the Somme [2016], of Passchendaele [2017] and of Amiens [2018] all had the mark somewhere, nationally and internationally and throughout, of Sir Hew’s remarkable and highly esteemed scholarship on how a lengthy campaign over months produced such a modest result, and he was frequently consulted thereon.” [R2, S6]
(3) Placing Special Emphasis on the Anglo-French Relationship
Moreover, Strachan’s research findings on how such lengthy battles broadened notions of strategy, heightening the importance of alliances [R3], led to special emphasis being placed on the Anglo-French relationship within overall planning for the centenary. Indeed, Strachan served as a bridge between the UK and French planning committees, coordinating approaches and creating special recognition for the alliance on both sides of the channel. These efforts culminated in a special event, held in London on 26 March 2018, to recognize and remember Marshal Foch, the French military leader appointed Supreme Allied Commander of the war effort [S7]. As the Prime Minister’s Special Representative attests, “ I think it is true to say that the UK’s special efforts with the centenary of the battle of Amiens in 2018 in that city and the event in London [2018] to mark the centenary of Marshal Foch’s appointment as Supreme Allied Commander early that year would have struggled without Sir Hew’s influence and his stress on the importance of the Anglo-French relationship to Entente strategy. They were both warmly received in France.” [S3]
(4) Memorializing American Sacrifices
Strachan’s research on American entry into the war and their importance in hastening victory [R3, R4] shaped centenary planning through the creation of specific memorial events dedicated to American sacrifices. For example, “ Mention must also be made of the Centenary Commemorations on the Isle of Islay of the loss of SS Tuscania and HMS Otranto in February 1918 and October 1918 respectively, with the combined loss of over 600 American troops on their way to fight in Europe. This was an opportunity to reflect Sir Hew’s research by recognizing the contributions of the United States to the war’s outcome. The Islanders of Islay… went to remarkable lengths to bury and then exhume the bodies of those young Americans for their subsequent repatriation.” [S6] The 2018 commemoration was attended by HRH The Princess Royal and the US Ambassador to the United Kingdom, among other dignitaries, with ships of four national navies lying symbolically offshore [S8, S9].
5. Sources to corroborate the impact
[S1] Summary attendance and viewership data for sample WWI Commemoration events referenced in the impact narrative
[S2] UK Department for Digital, Culture, Media & Sport, “First World War Centenary Programme: Legacy Evaluation”
[S3] Letter from the Prime Minister’s Special Representative for the Commemoration of the Centenary of the First World War
[S4] Letter from the Vice Admiral (retired) of the Royal Navy and Vice Chairman of the Commonwealth War Graves Commission
[S5] Programme of the Somme Commemoration events
[S6] Letter from the Chair of the Scottish Commemorations Panel
[S7] HM Government, “The Centenary of the Appointment of Marshal Foch as Supreme Allied Commander”
[S8] Argyll and Bute Council, ‘Argyll and Bute Remembers: Islay—SS Tuscania and HMS Otranto’
[S9] Media coverage of the Isle of Islay commemorations
- Submitting institution
- University of St Andrews
- Unit of assessment
- 19 - Politics and International Studies
- Summary impact type
- Technological
- Is this case study continued from a case study submitted in 2014?
- No
1. Summary of the impact
The accelerating pace of innovation poses deep challenges for democratic states, whose militaries must identify and reform obsolete weapons and organizational practices while their defense industries struggle to remain at the cutting edge of technological development. DeVore’s research sheds new light on overcoming these challenges, enhancing military preparedness and weapons acquisition programmes in democracies. Specifically, DeVore’s research findings have:
Provoked an intense debate over the vulnerabilities and deficiencies of U.S. airborne forces, ultimately leading to over USD26,000,000 invested in long absent capabilities that have greatly enhanced their mobility and firepower. For example, in 2018, the US Army created a light armored company within the 82nd Airborne Division equipped with parachutable wheeled armored vehicles. In 2019, the Army then embarked on a programme to develop airborne tanks.
Reshaped the USD16,000,000,000 Korean KF-X fighter jet programme to emphasize domestic strengths in electronics and flight control software while pursuing a range of international partnerships to reduce costs, create economies of scale, provide critical sub-component systems, and facilitate technology transfer. These changes have greatly mitigated the risks of unexpected cost escalations while increasing the likelihood of programme success (only 20-25% of all initiated combat aircraft programmes successfully develop a functional aircraft that is globally price competitive).
2. Underpinning research
DeVore’s research contributes to critical debates on how modern democracies can best provide for their security. The accelerating pace of technological innovation poses deep challenges to both military organizations and domestic defense industries. While the former struggle to recognize and reform obsolete capabilities, the latter face nearly insurmountable economic obstacles to producing cutting edge weapons by themselves. DeVore’s research findings shed new light on why military organizations so often resist change, focusing on the deficiencies of modern airborne forces. His findings also illuminate how states can navigate international armament collaborations to both maintain the autonomy of their domestic defense industries while pooling resources with select partners to stay at the cutting edge of technological development.
- Why militaries resist change: Airborne Forces
Scholars have long noted that technological innovations and societal developments render older capabilities obsolete. To remain competitive, military institutions must adapt and change. Yet all too often, they fail to do so. DeVore’s research analyzes why militaries continue to invest resources and personnel in obsolete weapons, units, and operational concepts that no longer enhance battlefield performance. The answer centers on organizational autonomy. Militaries often establish independent services, branches, or units to explore new technologies and doctrines. While initially beneficial, these sub-units become powerful actors that later defend their weapons and practices against future innovation, leading to wasted resources.
Devore’s monograph, When Failure Thrives, demonstrates these dynamics with respect to paratroop formations in the US, UK, and Soviet Union [R1]. By the 1970s, improvements to air defenses combined with the global proliferation of tanks rendered large-scale airborne operations all but suicidal. Yet these militaries continued to pour resources into large paratroop units, in counterproductive ways, precisely because those units had the power and autonomy to resist change. In the US case, this led to problematic deficiencies: airborne forces remained organized into overly large units, were extremely vulnerable to artillery, and lacked proper mobility and firepower once on the ground.
- Balancing domestic arms production with international collaboration
Governments also struggle to navigate the rapid pace of contemporary technological change and its implications for defense spending and procurement. Only great military and economic powers like the U.S. and China have the resources to independently stay at the cutting edge of military technology. Prior research suggested that all other governments must choose between producing outdated weapons domestically or becoming subcontractors within large international collaborations.
DeVore’s research argues that this is a false and dangerous dichotomy. The increasing complexity of weapons has made self-sufficiency in arms production unattainable (perhaps even economically ruinous) for most states, making international collaboration necessary [R2]. Yet, giving up independent domestic defense industries would also be catastrophic for military performance. These industries possess skills and experience that allow militaries to adapt their weapons to changing battlefield conditions and unanticipated threats [R3].
Governments must thus strike a balance between domestic arms production and international collaborations to avoid the downsides of doing either alone [R4, R6]. How they strike this balance is a fraught process without a one-size-fits all solution. Indeed, the states that fare best match their strategies to both their existing economic institutions and the necessities of the particular weapons programme being developed. For example, where research and development costs are high and production requires large economies of scale, governments should seek out international partners. However, they should ensure that their partners share similar firm/state relations to facilitate useful cooperation [R4, R5]. Governments should also choose collaborations that protect the existing strengths and comparative advantages of their domestic defense industries [R2].
3. References to the research
The underpinning research was published as: a monograph with the U.S. Army Press, internationally prestigious peer-reviewed political science journals, and in an edited volume by a nationally reputable South Korean publisher.
[R1] DeVore, Marc. 2015. When Failure Thrives: Institutions and the Evolution of Postwar Airborne Forces. Fort Leavenworth, Kansas: US Army Combat Studies Institute. https://www.armyupress.army.mil/Portals/7/combat-studies-institute/csi-books/WhenFailureThrives.pdf
[R2] DeVore, Marc. 2015. “Defying Convergence: Globalisation and Varieties of Defence-Industrial Capitalism.” New Political Economy 20(4): 569-593. DOI: 10.1080/13563467.2014.951612
[R3] DeVore, Marc. 2017. “Commentary on the Value of Domestic Arms Industries: Security of Supply or Military Adaptation?” Defence Studies 17(3): 242-259. DOI: 10.1080/14702436.2017.1347781
[R4] DeVore, Marc and Moritz Weiss. 2014. “Who's in the Cockpit? The Political Economy of Collaborative Aircraft Decisions.” Review of International Political Economy 21(2): 497-533. DOI: 10.1080/09692290.2013.787947
[R5] DeVore, Marc. 2014. “Producing European Armaments: Policymaking Preferences and Processes.” Cooperation & Conflict 49(4): 438-463. DOI: 10.1177/0010836714525052
[R6] DeVore, Marc. 2016. “Producing British Airpower: Neo-Liberalism, Collaboration and Contemporary Aerospace.” In Chung-in Moon et al, eds., Korea’s Search for Sustainable Air & Space Power Strategies. Seoul: Oreum Publishing, 75-111. (Available upon request.)
4. Details of the impact
.
Between 2015 and 2020, DeVore’s research findings have enhanced national security in democracies by improving military preparedness and weapons acquisition programmes. Specifically, DeVore’s research on how the accelerating pace of technological innovation poses deep challenges to both military organizations and domestic defense industries has:
Provoked an intense debate over the vulnerabilities and deficiencies of U.S. airborne forces, leading to reform initiatives to improve their mobility and firepower. These ultimately resulted in the 2018 creation of a light armored company within the 82nd Airborne Division equipped with parachutable wheeled armored vehicles and a programme to develop airborne tanks, launched in 2019—reflecting an investment of over USD26,000,000 in restoring and improving capabilities absent for over three decades.
Led the Korean KF-X fighter jet programme to adopt a more collaborative approach with an increased number of international partners—to benefit from economies of scale, shared research and development costs, and technology transfers—while still protecting domestic strengths in electronics and flight control software. These changes have greatly ameliorated the risks of unexpected cost escalations while enhancing the likelihood of producing a functional combat aircraft that is globally price competitive.
- Reforming U.S. Airborne Forces
DeVore’s research findings on the vulnerabilities and deficiencies of U.S. Airborne Forces, stemming from their organizational resistance to change, sparked an intense debate within the U.S. Army which ultimately led to concrete reforms—improving the mobility and firepower of paratroop units. The Army Times, widely subscribed to and read by army personnel, published an extended exposé and in-print debate on the future of U.S. airborne forces, based on the findings of When Failure Thrives [R1], with several leading decision-makers within the army agreeing with DeVore’s findings, including a retired Colonel, retired General, and a senior analyst with the Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments [S1, p.3-4, 9]. The Army Press deputy director notes that DeVore’s study “ stirred considerable controversy within the U.S. Army. Staff researchers for the U.S. House of Representatives Armed Services Committee contacted me to ask further questions about the monograph which they had used to deepen their understanding of Army capabilities and prepare their members for policy discussions… Even those advocates of Airborne forces who disagreed with DeVore’s message took away from his work the key insight that paratroopers must proactively work to reform themselves” [S2].
These debates then catalysed a reassessment of U.S. airborne forces and proposals for their reform and modernization. For example, analysts with RAND (an important U.S. defence think tank), cited DeVore’s findings on the unrealistically large size of airborne units, their extreme vulnerability to enemy fire, and their lack of ground mobility (i.e. vehicles) [S3, p.1-2, 7]. They then proposed re-envisioning the role of airborne forces around small-scale missions such as combatting terrorism and evacuating foreign nationals during emergencies, while also equipping paratrooper units with armoured vehicles and light armour [S3, p.4-5, 7-8]. Similarly, the Military Review published a proposal that would overcome these same deficiencies by reorganizing airborne assault capabilities around small reconnaissance squadrons equipped with light armoured vehicles [S4, p.93-94].
The U.S. Army ultimately embraced some of these proposed reforms, congruent with DeVore’s research findings that airborne forces lacked adequate firepower and mobility, while being overly vulnerable to artillery [R1]. “ The Army has, in the years since the publication of DeVore’s monograph, sought to rectify airborne forces’ shortcomings. Perhaps most impressive has been the Army’s efforts to address the lack of tank and anti-tank capabilities that DeVore had criticized.” [S2] In 2018, the Army created a light armoured company within the 82nd Airborne Division, equipped with parachutable wheeled armoured vehicles—an investment of over USD26,000,000 in vehicle procurement alone [S5]. As the Director of the US Army Combat Studies Institute attests, “recent developments in the force structure of the US Army’s airborne forces indicate that thinking officers took some of [DeVore’s] arguments to heart… two of the US Army’s five airborne brigades incorporated ‘Stryker’ light armored vehicles to their organic arsenals. The Stryker… will add a completely new dimension of protection to airborne forces, mitigating the historically vulnerable infantry forces’ greatest weakness” [S6]. In 2019, the Army then embarked on a project to develop airborne tanks to provide even greater firepower and mobility to its airborne units [S5]. “The US Army’s Combat Capabilities Development Command continues to refine its search for a light-weight air-droppable tank to accompany parachute forces on a forced-entry mission” [S6]. These initiatives represent the first time that U.S. airborne forces would have armoured vehicle capabilities since the 1990s, when the last of their tanks were retired from service, and the first new research and development on airborne tanks since the 1960s.
- Shaping Technology Acquisition in South Korea’s Air Force
DeVore’s research findings on balancing domestic arms production with international collaborations—particularly leveraging global partnerships to overcome high research and development costs and create economies of scale while cultivating domestic production strengths [R2, R4-R6]—has shaped how South Korea’s government has pursued its K-FX fighter jet programme. Combat aircraft are one of the most sophisticated weapons systems to produce, with many expensive and technologically advanced sub-component systems that are difficult for states to develop comprehensively on their own. Historically, over 75% of combat aircraft development initiatives have failed to produce a functional aircraft that is globally price competitive. Only six successful programmes currently exist. Despite these odds, the South Korean Air Force initially launched its estimated USD16,000,000,000 fighter jet programme—the largest armaments project ever undertaken in South Korea—with high ambitions for self-sufficiency and only one partner, Indonesia.
DeVore was initially invited to share his research during the 2015 National Air Power Conference by two concerned Korean academics, who in 2017 became the National Security Advisor and Vice-Foreign Minister to the newly elected Korean government. This launched a period of sustained engagement where DeVore routinely participated in dialogues with Korean policymakers and Air Force officers on the difficulties of developing an indigenous fighter jet programme, including three additional National Air Power Conferences and seminars/workshops with government funded think tanks such as the Korea Institute for Defense Analysis, the Sejong Institute, the Institute for National Security Studies, and the East Asia Foundation [S7, S8]. DeVore was further granted a consulting contract on aerospace development with South Korea’s Agency for Defense Development, beginning in 2016 and still ongoing [S9].
Through these engagements, DeVore’s research findings reshaped the KF-X fighter project in key ways. Consistent with the importance of sharing costs and creating economies of scale [R4, R5], Korea has begun actively pursuing many more global partnerships, either as full co-developers or to provide difficult sub-components. As the Project Head for Korea’s Aerospace Technology Transfer Programme at South Korea’s Agency for Defense Development attests, “ Devore's research on leveraging global partnerships to overcome high research and development costs emphasized to us the importance of expanding our set of partners and obtaining high cost sub-systems from them” [S10]. The South Korean National Security Advisor elaborates that, “ Our government has thus gone to great lengths to preserve its co-development partnership with Indonesia when that later country’s financial problems led it to question whether to continue the project. We have also sought new partners, unsuccessfully negotiating a co-development partnership with Turkey and more successfully seeking focused technological arrangements with Israel and India” [S11]. At the same time, to protect existing strengths and comparative advantages [R2], Korea will focus on domestically developing important aspects of the flight control software and electronic systems. Indeed, the agreement with Israel also provides for technology transfer so that Korea can eventually develop their own expertise in aerospace radar. According to the First Vice Minister of Foreign Affairs, “ Dr. DeVore’s emphasis on the need for an activist state to overcome technological bottlenecks encouraged our Agency for Defense Development to proactively ‘target’ key technologies for either domestic development or acquisition through international partnerships” [S12]. The Project Head for Korea’s Aerospace Technology Transfer Programme further attests that “ these changes— more international partnerships, globalizing our supply chain, and seeking out technology transfers— are mitigating the risks of unexpected cost escalations and increasing the likelihood of the project becoming a success” [S10].
5. Sources to corroborate the impact
[S1] Army Times article, ‘Does the Army Need Airborne?,’ 29 February 2016.
[S2] Letter from the Editor of the Army University Press, a retired Colonel.
[S3] RAND commentary via War on the Rocks, ‘Reimagining and Modernizing U.S. Airborne Forces for the 21st Century,’ 20 April 2016.
[S4] Military Review article, ‘The Use of Reconnaissance Squadron during Joint Forcible Entry,’ March-April 2016.
[S5] Media coverage of the 2018 creation of a light armored company within the 82nd Airborne Division with parachutable wheeled armored vehicles and the subsequent airborne tank development programme.
[S6] Letter from the Director of the US Army Combat Studies Institute.
[S7] Article from Forbes magazine, ‘“Blessing or Curse”? Korea Faces Daunting Question: To Build or Not to Build Its Own Jet Fighter,” 13 July 2015.
[S8] Collated programmes from the National Air Power Conference and think tank seminars and workshops.
[S9] Consulting agreement with South Korea’s Agency for Defense Development.
[S10] Letter from the Project Head for the Aerospace Technology Transfer Programme at the South Korean Agency for Defense Development.
[S11] Letter from the National Security Advisor to the President of the Republic of Korea.
[S12] Letter from the First Vice Foreign Minister, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Republic of Korea.
- Submitting institution
- University of St Andrews
- Unit of assessment
- 19 - Politics and International Studies
- Summary impact type
- Societal
- Is this case study continued from a case study submitted in 2014?
- No
1. Summary of the impact
The Centre for Syrian Studies (CSS) research identified the causes and dynamics of the Syrian civil war and ways of ameliorating it. Through sustained engagement with the UK government and international organizations, CSS research informed debates and helped shape policy concerning intervention, diplomatic strategy, and reconstruction aid. CSS also engaged in extensive media outreach to provide needed context for the general public to understand the complexities of the crisis. Specifically, CSS research findings:
Informed foreign policy debates within the UK government, from November 2013-2017, cautioning against intervention and focusing instead on humanitarian aid and diplomacy—recommendations that were ultimately congruent with adopted policies of refraining from military involvement and raising the UK’s humanitarian assistance profile.
Improved crisis diplomacy at the United Nations by encouraging more engagement with local Syrian actors and avoiding zero-sum measures, an approach largely adopted by the second UN Special Envoy from 2014-2019.
Emphasized the danger of continuing conflict by economic means in reconstruction efforts, leading the World Bank and the United Nations to recommend conditioning reconstruction funding on inclusivity by the Syrian government in their 2018-2020 reports.
Interpreted the crisis for the public, from November 2013-2020, via sustained engagement with live radio and tv media outlets reaching large global audiences (e.g. BBC Scotland, France24, Turkish TRT World, Arabic Euronews), including 23 interviews since 2018. Recorded appearances were further distributed via the Centre’s webpage and complemented with blog post analysis, with downloads of individual videos reaching up to 15,000 views.
2. Underpinning research
In 2011, mass protests broke out in Syria, demanding greater political freedoms and government aid in a time of deep economic struggle. What began as peaceful demonstrations, by 2012, had rapidly devolved into repression, violence, and ultimately a civil war with extensive international intervention. The Centre for Syrian Studies (CSS) reoriented its research to respond to this evolving crisis—and the widespread and pressing need across governments and international organizations to better understand the conflict and how it might be ameliorated. CSS research stood out, among an emerging body of recommendations initially dominated by advocacy groups and non-specialists, for its scholarly approach and longstanding expertise in Syrian politics and history. The Centre’s research findings focused on three key aspects of the conflict: its root causes and drivers, the obstacles to effective international response, and planning for reconstruction during an eventual post-conflict peace-building phase.
- The root causes and drivers of the Syria conflict
Beginning in 2011, CSS research explored the origins of the conflict and mapped the roles of key domestic actors, both within the regime and the opposition. Research findings traced how the secular non-violent protest movement was marginalized, leading to civil war instead of democratic transition. Especially important to this outcome were the Asad regime’s use of violence against protestors, defections from the army, and the arming of the opposition by external regional actors [R1, R2]. Research findings further demonstrated how these international interventions became competitive, leading to proxy wars that prolonged the conflict, raised its costs, and drove increasing sectarianism (e.g. divisions between religious communities). As security dilemmas deepened between communities, by 2013 the country had fragmented into rival zones of regime and rebel governance, overlapping with spheres of external influence [R3, R4].
- Obstacles to an effective international response
CSS research also examined the policies of key states and international organizations toward the conflict, specifically analysing the obstacles to an effective response, the dangers of inadvertently aggravating the crisis, and how these might be overcome. For example, economic sanctions and the invocation of human rights norms (e.g. the ‘Responsibility to Protect’) tended to raise expectations of full-scale international intervention, thereby dissuading all sides from a compromise settlement. Covert interventions, wherein external patrons armed and funded local proxies, led to widespread expectations of continued resources and support that further prolonged and deepened the conflict [R3]. CSS research also examined UN diplomacy, finding that UN mediators had little leverage because none of the conflict parties could imagine co-existing with their adversaries or had any incentive to negotiate. The US and Russia were unprepared to pressure their clients into compromise and key actors were also excluded from talks, notably Iran [R5].
- Post-conflict peace building and reconstruction
After 2015, global attention turned to the possibility of a post-conflict period in which a vast reconstruction effort would be necessary. CSS research identified the context in which reconstruction would necessarily occur and identified obstacles to its success. Most importantly, the research highlighted the exclusion of local actors and the zero-sum approaches through which the Syrian regime and foreign states were making reconstruction a continuation of the conflict by economic means. It highlighted how ordinary Syrians were the victims of this power struggle, including through the redistribution of property from opposition to loyalist actors by the Syrian government and the blanket US sanctions designed to inflict maximum pain as a prelude to regime change. Research findings also explored how the international community could come together and design reconstruction efforts to overcome this competition, by making increments of reconstruction assistance conditional on the government’s adoption of more inclusive reconstruction approaches and pushing back against blanket sanctions. Initially delivered to the commissioning agencies in 2018-19, these findings were ultimately published in 2020 [R6].
3. References to the research
The underpinning research, representative of a larger body of centre work, was formally published in peer reviewed international journals and edited books by prestigious international academic publishers. The research published in 2018-2020 had impact before these dates, having been previously commissioned by the UN ECSWA and World Bank to inform their own reports and policy recommendations.
[R1] Hinnebusch, Raymond. 2012. “Syria: from Authoritarian Upgrading to Revolution?” International Affairs 88(1): 95-113. DOI: 10.1111/j.1468-2346.2012.01059.x
[R2] Hinnebusch, Raymond, Omar Imady, and Tina Zintl. 2015. “Civil Resistance in the Syrian Uprising: From Democratic Transition to Sectarian Civil War.” In, Adam Roberts, Michael Willis, and Timothy Garton Ash (eds.), Civil Resistance in the Arab Spring: Triumphs and Disasters, 2011–14. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 223-247. ISBN: 9780198749028, DOI: 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198749028.003.0009 https://global.oup.com/academic/product/civil-resistance-in-the-arab-spring-9780198749028?cc=gb&lang=en&#
[R3] Hinnebusch, Raymond. 2015. “The Syrian Crisis and International Security.” In, M. Cavelty and T. Balzaq (eds.), Handbook of Security Studies. London and New York: Routledge, pp. 291-301. ISBN: 978-1-138-80393-0, DOI: 10.4324/9781315753393 https://www.routledge.com/Routledge-Handbook-of-Security-Studies-2nd-Edition/Dunn-Cavelty-Balzacq/p/book/9781138803930; https://tinyurl.com/yypdm2bq
[R4] Hinnebusch, Raymond. 2018. “From Westphalian Failure to Heterarchic Governance in MENA: The Case of Syria.” Small Wars and Insurgencies 29(3): 391-41. DOI: 10.1080/09592318.2018.1455330
[R5] Hinnebusch, Raymond and I. William Zartman. 2016. “UN Mediation in the Syrian Crisis: From Kofi Annan to Lakhdar Brahimi.” New York: International Peace Institute. https://www.ipinst.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/03/IPI-Rpt-Syrian-Crisis2.pdf
[R6] Hinnebusch Raymond. 2020. “The Battle over Syria’s Reconstruction.” Global Policy 11(1): 113-123. DOI: 10.1111/1758-5899.12779
4. Details of the impact
.
Throughout the Syria crisis, from November 2013-2020, CSS research on the root causes of the conflict, the obstacles to an effective international response, and the prospects for reconstruction were actively solicited by the UK government, United Nations, and World Bank. Through sustained engagement with these beneficiaries, CSS research findings informed important national and international debates over intervention, diplomacy, and reconstruction. —shaping adopted policies and recommendations. Moreover, CSS engaged in extensive media outreach, providing much needed context and information for the general public. Specifically, CSS research findings:
cautioned the UK government against intervention and recommended focusing on humanitarian aid and diplomacy—advice congruent with the policies ultimately adopted;
encouraged the United Nations to engage more extensively with local Syrian actors and avoid zero-sum measures, an approach adopted by the second mediator;
shaped World Bank and UN ESCWA policy recommendations on reconstruction aid to condition incremental funding release on inclusivity by the Syrian government; and
provided important contextualization of the complex crisis for the general public via sustained media engagement.
- Informing UK policy debates and response to the Syria crisis
CSS research explicitly sought to break through the highly polarized discourse over Syria and provide a deep grasp of the roots of the crisis while also exposing its multi-sided complexity and intractability [R1, R2]. Research findings cautioned against intervention, which could aggravate the crisis, and instead suggested focusing on diplomatic efforts and humanitarian assistance to conflict-affected Syrian communities [R3, R5].
Between 2013 and 2017, advice based on these research findings was regularly conveyed to UK government officials, informing evolving policy debates. Such consultations included with MI-5 (November 2013), the Prime Minister’s Office (October 2015), the Foreign Affairs Committee (October 2015), the Foreign and Commonwealth Office (July 2016), and gatherings of senior military officers (April 2016; February 2017). According to the FCO Deputy Head of Research Analyst’s section (and in charge of Syria), the Centre has “ consistently contributed to the policy debates on Syria within government throughout the past five years”, with its conferences and published volumes, “ essential aid to understanding of the conflict” [S1]. In testimony to the Commons Foreign Affairs Committee, the Centre director underlined how the Islamic State was being utilized by regional actors such as Turkey, Iran, and Saudi Arabia to advance their own interests [S2, pp.14-15]. The chair of the committee acknowledged this testimony was “extremely useful in setting out the international players and their interests” (in the Syria crisis) and as a basis for their questioning of the Foreign Secretary [S3]. CSS was also invited in April 2014 to make a submission on humanitarian assistance to the International Development Committee, advocating that DFID pursue a new UN Security Council resolution that would grant access to Syria for humanitarian agencies and foster local partners. The UK’s relative caution in refraining from most military involvement in the Syrian crisis combined with its higher profile in humanitarian assistance is consistent with the analysis and advice provided by the Centre.
- Improving crisis diplomacy at the United Nations
CSS research further identified measures that could facilitate movement toward conflict resolution, specifically on how to improve crisis diplomacy. The UN International Peace Institute and Office of Political Affairs jointly solicited a study from the Centre on the efforts of the UN Syria mediators. The research findings recommended more balanced engagement with all stakeholders while avoiding zero-sum approaches that would damage the vital interests of any side [R3]. The resulting report was downloaded over 500 times ( https://www.ipinst.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/03/IPI-Rpt-Syrian-Crisis2.pdf). It has become one of the most read IPI papers and, in the words of a UN official, is “ a controversial report, because it speaks boldly about a very sensitive subject [but, being] authored by two of the foremost experts on Syria and on mediation, the conclusions were able to withstand the criticism… [It is] *the finest example of first-rate academics applying their knowledge to the policy world.*” [S4]
As a result, the subsequent mediator, the Special Envoy for Syria of the United Nations Secretary-General , “ engaged more…with local Syrian actors” [S5]. The Special Envoy’s political advisor also acknowledged that the work of the Centre had provided “ many insights valuable to my work… Raymond Hinnebusch and myself had some stimulating conversations about the ingredients of successful UN diplomacy in the Syrian case, including impartiality and inclusivity, from which we both profited and which helped inform our views in our various capacities. Also, [they] produced a valuable study of the diplomacy carried out by [the previous mediators] which helped inform our thinking under the subsequent UN mediator” [S5]. With a national level political settlement apparently out of reach, the Special Envoy turned to sponsoring localized de-escalations of violence. The Centre was then invited by the Berghof Foundation on behalf of the Finnish Foreign Ministry to research similar de-escalation agreements elsewhere, with a view to supporting these new efforts in the Syrian context [S6]. CSS identified considerable variance in context between local communities, especially the particular balance of power between factions within them, suggesting the need for decentralized solutions. Research findings also highlighted the strong potential for the regime to concede to localized solutions and power-sharing based on their own manpower shortages.
- Emphasizing inclusivity within United Nations and World Bank reconstruction recommendations
CSS research findings emphasized ameliorating the consequences of the crisis via broadly inclusive humanitarian assistance and reconstruction efforts that avoided continuing the conflict by economic means [R4, R6]. From 2018-20, the Centre engaged extensively with both the World Bank and the United Nations Economic and Social Commission for West Asia (ESCWA) to develop best practices and actionable recommendations for Syrian reconstruction. The resulting reports reflected the Centre’s advocacy of more inclusive reconstruction and concern with blanket sanctions.
CSS signed a memorandum of understanding with UN ESCWA to collaborate on two studies of the Syrian conflict: Syria at War: Five Years On (2016), which examined the damage to Syria’s economy and need for much increased humanitarian relief, and Syria at War: Eight Years On (2020), which identified the political obstacles to reconciliation and reconstruction. The reports directly incorporated CSS research findings: advising powerful external actors to use their leverage over conflict parties to nudge them toward more inclusive strategies of reconstruction. An ESCWA official attested that its partnership with CSS had been “strategic and synergistic” and the joint work, widely disseminated, had had “ a major impact on policy-makers and stakeholders in building awareness and consensus” [S7].
The World Bank similarly commissioned CSS to provide research on the geo-political context of Syrian reconstruction [R6], as part of its “Building for Peace in the Middle East” (https://www.worldbank.org/en/region/mena/publication/building\-for\-peace\-reconstruction\-for\-security\-sustainable\-peace\-and\-equity\-in\-the\-middle\-east\-and\-north\-africa\) initiative—which was disseminated to government policymakers in order to build consensus on a pathway forward [S8, pp. ix, 15]. The research findings showed how reconstruction had become a continuation of conflict by other means, as part of the proxy wars being waged on Syrian soil by foreign governments and recommending making reconstruction aid incremental and conditional on demonstrated inclusivity by the Syrian government [R6]. CSS researchers presented their findings at World Bank workshops in June and October 2018 and in a final 20,000-word report, published in March 2019 and formally launched on 15 July 2020 with a virtual event attended by more than 5000 people worldwide (with a condensed version published in Global Policy in 2020, https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/full/10.1111/1758-5899.12779). The project manager affirmed that the “excellent research of the centre…helped the Bank to better articulate its thinking on reconstruction, peace-building and transition toward sustainable peace in the Middle East… [and] directly fed into the major report and recommendations on reconstruction and its operational applications [S9].
- Interpreting the crisis for the “attentive public” through the media
Dr Omar Imady, as Centre Outreach Officer, was regularly involved in conveying CSS research findings in the public sphere. From November 2013-2020, he appeared regularly on live broadcasts that reached millions of viewers around the world (e.g. BBC Scotland, France24, Turkish TRT World, Arabic Euronews, and Australia’s ABC News). Videos of many of these broadcasts, 23 since 2018, were posted on the Centre’s website ( https://www.inspired-by-syria.com/media) with individual downloads per video ranging from 1,000 to 15,000 views [S10]. A Blog by CSS staff and fellows also provided regular interpretation of developments in the conflict ( https://www.inspired-by-syria.com/blog), with 6,671 people (viewers) visiting 16,849 times in the last year alone (between 2019 and 2020), a significant level of traffic given the extended length of conflict and general public focus on the pandemic. This commentary helped clarify the complex issues in the conflict for the attentive public.
5. Sources to corroborate the impact
[S1] Letter from the FCO Deputy Head of Research Analysts Section and in charge of Syria.
[S2] Record of Hinnebusch testimony to Commons Foreign Affairs Committee: http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm201516/cmselect/cmfaff/457/457.pdf
[S3] Letter of acknowledgment from Foreign Affairs Committee Chair.
[S4] Letter from UN Official in relation to diplomacy on Syria.
[S5] Letter from the Advisor to the UN Special Envoy.
[S6] Invitation from Berghof Foundation to speak on local de-escalation zones.
[S7] Letter from the Senior Economist, Gender Justice, Population and Inclusive Development Cluster, UN ECSWA.
[S8] World Bank report, “Building for Peace: Reconstruction for Security, Sustainable Peace and Equity in MENA.”
[S9] Letter from World Bank senior manager in charge of the reconstruction report, “Building for Peace.”
[S10] Centre for Syrian Studies archive media engagement recordings: https://www.inspired-by-syria.com/media